Michael Tomasello, Why We Cooperate ? Being both a developmental psychologist and a primatologist, Tomasello is especially well suited to tackle the subject, and the present book is the most recent one in a series of books and papers by himself and his colleagues (see below). As children grow, their almost reflexive desire to help—without expectation of reward—becomes shaped by culture. Drop something in front of a two-year-old, and she's likely to pick it up for you. These criticisms are based on his own work and on a number of his own other books and papers, as well as on other relevant work in the domain.Submitted by webadminl2c2 on Tue, 01/03/2017 - 18:00 Institut des Sciences Cognitives - Marc Jeannerod - UMR5304 CNRS Université Lyon 1 - 67, Bd Pinel - 69675 BRON CEDEX - Tel : 04 37 91 12 47 - Fax : 04 37 91 12 10 He is the author of
In Why We Cooperate, Tomasello's studies of young children and great apes help identify the underlying psychological processes that very likely supported humans' earliest forms of complex collaboration and, ultimately, our unique forms of cultural organization, from the evolution of tolerance and trust to the creation of such group-level structures as cultural norms and institutions. This is not a learned behavior, psychologist Michael Tomasello argues. After outlining Tomasello's position as it is described in the book, as well as the comments by Dweck, Spelke, Silk, and Skyrms which follow, I discuss Tomasello's thesis, noting a few problems with his approach. Tomasello's basic position is squarely a dual-inheritance account, in which human uniqueness is explained both through genetics and through culture (in other words, both through natural and through cultural evolution).
The account offered by Tomasello contrasts human cooperation and altruism with nonhuman primate competition, and proposes that human altruism leads to shared intentionality (the ability to share attention to a third object and, more generally, to share beliefs and intentions).
Either way, cooperation emerges as a distinctly human combination of innate and learned behavior. Why We Cooperate, accompagnées des commentaires de Carol Dweck, Joan Silk, Elizabeth Spelke et Brian Skyrms. Why We Cooperate 91 by unconsciously priming the sense of being watched (Haley & Fessler, 2005; Sparks & Barclay, 2013).
Cambridge (MA), MIT Press, 2009, 208 p.. Un article de la revue Philosophiques (Volume 37, numéro 2, automne 2010, p. … In Why We Cooperate (2009), Tomasello addresses the problem of human uniqueness, which has become the focus for a lot of recent research at the frontier between the Humanities and the Life Sciences. They become more aware of being a member of a group. The main idea is that the phylogenetic specificity of humankind rests in its species-specific adaptation for sociability. In Why We Cooperate, Tomasello's studies of young children and great apes help identify the underlying psychological processes that very likely supported humans' earliest forms of complex collaboration and, ultimately, our unique forms of cultural organization, from the evolution of tolerance and trust to the creation of such group-level structures as cultural norms and institutions. Why We Cooperate: Publication Type: Journal Article: Year of Publication: 2009: Authors: Reboul, A.
Journal: Pragmatics & Cognition: Date Published: 2010-01-01: Abstract: In Why We Cooperate (2009), Tomasello addresses the problem of human uniqueness, which has become the focus for a lot of recent research at the frontier between the Humanities and the Life Sciences. In Why We Cooperate, Tomasello's studies of young children and great apes help identify the underlying psychological processes that very likely supported humans' earliest forms of complex collaboration and, ultimately, our unique forms of cultural organization, from the evolution of tolerance and trust to the creation of such group-level structures as cultural norms and institutions. Read 20 reviews from the world's largest community for readers.
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