As a result, the militia, the Internal Defence Force (WOW), the riot commandos (ZOMO) and the military high command remained intact to choose their moment to strike back. Once again the Polish workers learned the bloody lesson that Stalinism can only be overthrown by a movement that prepares an organised armed insurrection against its central political apparatus in order to pass power into the hands of the workers themselves.In search of an illusory national agreement with the Stalinists and the church, the Solidarnosc leaders demobilised the workers’ organisations. The very dynamics of the market economy keep alive trade unionism as a form of representation of the working class within bourgeois society. As with all the other reformist strategies this left the central armed power of the bureaucratic state intact and usable the moment the central apparatus resolved to break the independent organisations of the working class.As a result the potential always existed for this movement to become the vehicle for the realisation of a programme counterposed to the programme of proletarian political revolution, unless revolutionary communists intervened and secured leadership within the struggles of the Polish workers. It has refrained from emphasising the necessity of a revolutionary leadership, except as an organisational grouping which builds itself, together with existing tendencies, around “minimal demands”. But a constituent assembly, which is the demand of the IC(FI), does not answer the question which class rules, paves the way for counter-revolution and deceives the working class. Kuron explicitly calls for the replacement of centralised planning with a decentralised economic order.Kuron, and the social democratic and lay Catholic intelligentsia, express a classic distrust (in reality a profound fear) of the self-organisation of the working class. Because the programme of the Solidarnosc leadership could not lead the ten million Polish workers who looked to them to final victory, it does not mean that we do not solidarise with Solidarnosc, as a movement of the Polish workers against their bureaucratic oppressors. Therefore, within the plants revolutionaries would have to fight for independent factory committees—organs of struggle—whenever the self-management bodies became dominated by integrationist or restorationist tendencies.Taken as a contradictory whole, the dominant tendencies in Solidarnosc revealed the following characteristics:a) Subordination to the Catholic hierarchy which fought to implement its own anti-working class programme throughout the crisis, and do so on the backs of the workers’ movement and in collaboration with the Stalinists.b) Illusions in the bankrupt policies of Polish nationalism. For workers’ defence!
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