The Parents School Preference Committee, having earlier harangued the mayor to defy the Supreme Court, chose this day to call on Governor Clement, demanding that he use national guard troops to block desegregation, as Governor Faubus was doing in Arkansas—but Clement firmly rebuffed them, as West had done earlier.Superintendent Bass expressed mild disappointment that attendance was down by about one third in four of the six schools that were desegregated, but he applauded the efforts of school principals and teachers, the black families, and the police. "On another front, a delegation of more than a hundred people calling themselves the Parents School Preference Committee went to see Mayor West, telling him they intended to boycott the schools if desegregation was allowed, and demanding that he endorse their defiance. A policeman and a black parent were struck with rocks, the parents and children were spat upon and cursed, and soon after they entered the building, the mob rushed in too, and went rampaging from room to room in search of the black families. A light rain was falling as he and others from the neighborhood arrived at the scene. The elusive ideal of racial equality, often glimpsed but rarely grasped in the United States, was once again coming into focus for Nashvillians—and this time, it was going to be reflected in the quietly serious faces of a few brown-skinned six-year-olds. On September 4, Nashville's power structure—its political and economic elite, exclusively male and Caucasian—saw themselves and their city in a different light: as segregationists, to be sure, and as champions of white privilege, but not as militant, violent reactionaries prepared to abandon the rule of law in order to perpetuate the many racial inequities that supported their "Southern way of life." It was scary, oh yes, plenty of times—but we never doubted it was the right thing to do. he shouted. The plaintiffs' attorneys responded by agreeing to the plan if the entire process could be completed within a fixed period—say, five years, as the Evansville, Indiana, school system had done in 1949–1954—but the Nashville board wanted a slower pace of one grade a year. Official Nashville was not willing to defy the federal courts; instead, it was offering, three years after the Out of an estimated fourteen hundred black children expected to begin the first grade, only 126—not even one in a hundred—had been declared eligible for rezoning to fifteen all-white elementary schools closer to their homes than the nearest all-black one—and more than three-fourths of those families eventually requested transfers to avoid the change. The century-old debate about national authority versus states' rights—a conflict decided but not settled by the outcome of the Civil War—was renewed with vigor by But the sixteen black first graders who were admitted to six previously all-white elementary schools in Nashville on September 9, 1957, did not long remain in the public eye.
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